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Britain’s relationship with “Europe” is a complex one. As in all relationships,there are different perceptions as to what “really” happened and why.

January 1 2008 marks 50 years since the European Economic Community came into existence and 35 years since Britain’s accession in 1973. The exhibition of over 90 cartoons by more than 30 cartoonists currently underway at London’s Cartoon Museum is a timely opportunity to look back on how the story has unfolded over the last half century.

The story of Britain’s relationship with Europe over the past 50 years could be described as a courtship conducted in fits and starts followed by a rather rocky marriage. Indeed a number of the cartoons produced during the protracted discussions of the 1950s and 1960s represent it in exactly this way: a chequered romantic relationship. The British – both the public and politicians – have always been divided on Europe. Some express genuine enthusiasm for the project. Many more exhibit ambivalence, apathy, indifference and resignation. Still others display suspicion and outright hostility.

The exhibition relates the events of the last 50 years very much from the British perspective. At certain times Europe is high on the agenda and certain stories capture the public imagination. These may be followed by long periods when interest wanes and apathy becomes the norm yet again. Certain themes recur over time: a resentment of outside interference, a fear of loss of sovereignty, Britain’s historic ties with the United States and the Commonwealth, referenda, rebates, opt-outs and battles over the Common Agricultural Policy.

The British political system, and political culture in general, is adversarial in nature. Just as the parties confront each other across the floor of the House of Commons, so particular individuals come to represent contrary positions in the public’s mind. This is reflected in the cartoons. Thus during negotiations leading up to Britain’s entry into the Community and the referendum debate which followed, the pro, anti and ambivalent positions were often embodied in the respective figures of Edward Heath, the Conservative prime minister from 1970 to 1974, Harold Wilson, the Labour prime minister who succeeded him, and Enoch Powell, the deeply Eurosceptic and controversial former Conservative cabinet minister.

From the 1960s to the early 1980s it was the Labour Party which was fractured on the issue of Europe. Indeed Europe was pivotal in the decision of the “Gang of Four” to break away from Labour and form the Social Democratic Party in 1981. But from the late 1980s it was the Conservatives who were torn apart by pro- and anti-“Europe” camps. The issue brought down Margaret Thatcher in 1990 and the Eurosceptic wing of the party was to undermine the whole of John Major’s administration in the following years.

In 1997 the British electorate returned a prime minister who was the most pro-European since Edward Heath. But Tony Blair’s avowed enthusiasm for the “European project” was tempered by Gordon Brown’s more cautious approach. This is reflected in a number of the cartoons. During Labour’s time in office the questions of monetary union, the European constitution and immigration have dominated the agenda. It remains to be seen whether “Europe” will be an issue in the next general election, whenever it comes.

Some cartoons in the exhibition are likely to perplex non-British readers. The British have a strong dislike of what they perceive as meddling by “Brussels Eurocrats” who seem hell-bent on undermining not only national sovereignty, but jealously defended aspects of “the British way of life”.

Certain sections of the British press regularly carry stories about the latest EU directives “banning” everything from prawn cocktail crisps and mushy peas to “bent bananas” and fireman’s poles. These “Euromyths” often prove surprisingly persistent, enduring in the popular memory for years despite all attempts to bury them.

The Euromyth stories are only one expression of the way in which Britain perceives itself as standing somewhat apart from Europe, not only physically but also historically and culturally. But the British are not alone in feeling that they are “different.” In January 1963, France’s President Charles de Gaulle explained his decision to block Britain’s entry to Europe. “England”, he declared, “in effect is insular. She is maritime… She has, in all her doings, very marked and very original habits and traditions. In short, England’s nature, England’s structure, England’s very situation differs profoundly from those of the continentals.”

The story of the relationship between Britain and “Europe” over the last 50 years has been one of repeated attempts either to bridge or reinforce these real or perceived differences in political culture and historical experience. Many of the concerns of the past, such as sovereignty and Britain’s economic and political place both within Europe and the world, remain the subject of debate. There is no doubt that Britain’s “Euro-drama” will continue to run well into the 21st century.